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FREDERICK THE GREAT

AND THE

UNITED STATES.

J. G. ROSENGARTEN.

FREDERICK THE GREAT

AND THE

UNITED STATES

A Paper Read Before
The Pennsylvania-German Society

AT THE

Fourteenth Annual Meeting

HELD AT

Germantown, October 25, 19041

BY

J. G. ROSENGARTEN

LANCASTER, PA.
1906

FREDERICK THE GREAT AND THE UNITED STATES.

STATUE PRESENTED BY THE GERMAN KAISER WILLIAM II.

UNVEILED AT WASHINGTON, D. C, NOVEMBER 19, 1904.

FREDERICK THE GREAT

AND THE

UNITED STATES

A Paper Read Before
The Pennsylvania-German Society

AT THE

Fourteenth Annual Meeting

HELD AT

Germantown, October 2^, 1904

BY

J. G. ROSENGARTEN

LANCASTER, PA.
1906

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FREDERICK THE GREAT AND THE UNITED

STATES.*

♦fF N view of the presen-
n tatlon of a statue of
Frederick the Great to
the United States by the
Emperor of Germany it
may be of interest to re-
fer to the contemporary
sources of information as
to the relation of Fred-
erick the Great to the
American Revolution.
There is much interest in seeing how that great soldier
followed the course of events in America and with what
kind of welcome he received the American agents sent to
Europe to enlist recognition, aid and support in the strug-
gle for independence.

* A paper read before the Pennsylvania German Society at Germantown,
October 25, 1904, by J. G. Rosengarten.

(3)

4 The Pennsylvania-German Society.

The best authority on this subject is Frederick Kapp,
whose two books dealing with the subject have not been
translated. One is " Frederick the Great and the United
States," published in Leipsic in 1871, and the other "The
Traffic in Soldiers," published in Berlin in 1874. To
these may be added " The Hessians and the other Auxil-
iaries of Great Britain in the Revolutionary War," by
Edward F. Lowell of Boston, published by Harpers in
1884, and the ** Diplomatic Correspondence of the Revo-
lution," edited by Sparks. Little on the subject is to be
found in Carlisle's " Life of Frederick the Great," or in
the latest German biography, that by Kosen, or in any of
the other biographies of Frederick.

Frederick the Great was very unfriendly to the English
government of Lord Bute for its failure to carry out the
support promised and given him by the elder Pitt when
he was at its head. When the war of American Indepen-
dence broke out, Frederick was charged by the English
ministry with preventing England from hiring a Russian
corps to fight for it in America and with allowing Prussian
officers to serve with the Americans. Both charges were
groundless, but served to show England's fear of Fred-
erick's revenge for old injuries. Neither Steuben nor
DeKalb was in his service when they volunteered in the
American Revolution, and the other German officers who
joined them did so of their own good will, and not with
his sanction. The many " King of Prussia " tavern signs
attest that Frederick was popular in America. As the
leader of Protestant resistance to Austrian aggression,
alike in Puritan New England, among the Germans of
Pennsylvania and in New York, and with the leaders of
the American Revolution, he was looked on as the ablest
sovereign and greatest soldier in Europe, and his heroic

Frederick the Great and the United States. 5

struggle was pointed out as an example for America in
its war for independence. Every expression of his hostility
to England and his contempt for the German princes who
sold their soldiers to England was published here.

Washington, Franklin, Greene, all spoke of him with
admiration. Steuben was welcomed as one of his soldiers.
Jefferson spoke of his death as a European disaster and
an event that affected the whole world.

Frederick was guided in all he said and did by the inter-
ests of Prussia. He hoped to secure advantages by opening
a trade between his ports and those of America, by exchang-
ing his linen and iron and other wares for tobacco and
other American products. His representative in Paris
met Silas Deane and reported to the King his request to
establish diplomatic and commercial relations, recom-
mending a commercial treaty. The King was ready to
supply arms and other munitions of war in exchange for
and when the Americans could land tobacco in his ports
at a reasonable rate.

A succession of American diplomatic agents went to
Berlin, but the King would not recognize them officially,
although his ministers said that when France recognized
American independence, he would do so too. Frederick
wrote to his brother to watch Washington and learn how
he carried on war against Howe and Burgoyne. He
granted the request of the American agent to buy arms in
Prussia. He rendered, perhaps unwittingly, a still more
important service by refusing permission to take German
soldiers, on their way to join the English army in America,
through his dominions, and thus delayed reinforcements,
when Howe was waiting patiently for them, so that the
Americans really were helped by him. His refusal kept
these German troops idle in Germany all through the

6 The Pennsylvania-German Society.

winter of 1777-8, while Washington and his little army
were suffering at Valley Forge. Frederick's course was
almost as useful to Washington as an alliance or recogni-
tion, for it gave him time and helped to change the for-
tunes of war, while, as the King said, without a fleet or
forts to protect his ports, recognition could do no good.
He saw and said that the business of recruiting German
soldiers to serve against America was depopulating Ger-
many of the men needed for his army. He watched the
successes of the American army and felt a personal pride
in that of the German soldiers serving in it, although
Riedesel had married the daughter of the Prussian Min-
ister of War, Massow, and his imprisonment after Bur-
goyne's surrender at Saratoga, was a source of great regret
to his friends in Berlin and the Prussian army. The King
wrote in October, 1777, " I never think of the present war
in America without being unpleasantly affected by the
greed of some German princes, who sacrifice their troops
in a war that don't concern them at all. My astonishment
increases when I see this violation of our Old German rule,
never to spill German blood in behalf of foreign interests."
In 1778 he wrote to his minister in London: " I will
never lend myself to an alliance with England. I am not
like so many German princes to be gained by money."
His minister wrote : " The German Princes who have hired
their troops, besides having rendered themselves extremely
odious, have suffered greatly by the emigration of their
subjects, for fear of being forced into this service, which
is excessively unpopular through all Germany"; and later,
" His Majesty has refused passage to the auxiliary troops
of Germany destined for America. He interests himself
very much in the events of your war and wishes that your
efforts may be crowned with success." Later he made a

Frederick the Great and the United States. 7

commercial treaty with the United States on terms that
were very liberal, and thus set an example that other
European powers soon followed.

The legend that he presented a sword to Washington
inscribed " From the oldest to the greatest General," is
based on the gift of a sword with a very fulsome dedica-
tion engraved on it by a cutler in Solingen. It had a
curious history, for the son of the maker brought it to
Philadelphia, when Washington was living here as Pres-
ident, pawned it in a tavern, where it was redeemed
by some unknown person, who took it to Alexandria,
whence it was sent to Mount Vernon. Washington never
knew who this was. His letter on the subject is printed,
with a note explaining the real facts of the gift, in the
eleventh volume of Sparks' "Washington," p. 169, etc.
Now, however, the successor of the great Frederick has
given the United States his statue as a memorial of German
friendship. It may well serve to show how large a meas-
ure of influence Germans and Germany have had in the
making of the United States, and the friendship of the
Emperor of Germany and the German people for the Re-
public of the United States, and it will recall the share
the great Frederick had in the success of the American
Colonies in their struggle for independence and in the
welcome extended to the new republic by the old King of
Prussia.

In Sparks, Vol. 11, p. 169, etc.: Washington writes to
John Quincy Adams, Philadelphia, 12 September, 1796:
" Sometime ago, perhaps two or three months, I read in
some gazette, but was so little impressed with it at the
time (conceiving it to be one of those things which get
into newspapers nobody knows how or why) that I cannot
now recollect whether this gazette was of American or

8 The Pennsylvania-German Society.

foreign production, announcing that a celebrated artist
had presented, or was about to present, to the President
of the United States a sword of masterly workmanship, as
an evidence of his veneration, etc. I thought no more of the
matter afterwards until a gentleman with whom I have no
acquaintance, coming from and going to I know not where,
at a tavern I never could get information of, came across
this sword (for it is presumed to be the same) pawned
for thirty dollars, which he paid, left it in Alexandria, nine
miles from my house in Virginia, with a person who re-
funded him the money and sent the sword to me. This is
all I have been able to learn of this curious affair. The
blade is highly wrought and decorated with many military
emblems. It has my name engraved thereon and the fol-
lowing inscription, translated from the Dutch: ' Con-
demner of despotism. Preserver of liberty, glorious man,
take from my son's hands, this sword, I beg you. A
Solingen.'

*' The hilt is either gold or richly plated with that metal,
and the whole carries with it the form of a horseman's
sword or long sabre. The matter, as far as it appears at
present, is a perfect enigma. How it should have come
into this country without a letter, or an accompanying mes-
sage, how afterward it should have got into such loose
hands, and whither the person having it in possession was
steering his course, remain as yet to be explained. Some
of these points can only be explained by the maker, and
the maker is no otherwise to be discovered than by the
inscription and name, 'A. Solingen,' who, from the im-
pression which dwells on my mind, is of Amsterdam. If
sir, with this clew, you can develop the history of this
sword, the value of it, the character of the maker, and
his probable object in sending it, you would oblige me and

Frederick the Great and the United States. 9

by relating these facts to him, might obviate doubts which
otherwise might be entertained of its late reception."

Sparks, in a note to p. 171, gives the explanation that
Alte of Solingen near Dusseldorf in 1795 sent by his son
this sword, directing him to present it to President Wash-
ington. The son sold it at a tavern in Philadelphia.
More than a year afterwards the father wrote a letter to
Washington on the subject.

In view of the presentation of a statue of Frederick
the Great to the United States by the Emperor of Ger-
many, it may be of interest to refer to the contempor-
ary sources of information as to the relations of Fred-
erick the Great to the American Revolution. For that
purpose, the following notes may enable the reader to see
just how far that great soldier followed the course of
events in America, and with what kindly interest he re-
ceived the American agents sent to Europe to enlist his
recognition, aid and support.

Frederick the Great and the United States.

(By Frederick Kapp, Leipzig, 1871.)

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FTER a long series of
offences at the hands
of the English government,
Frederick the Great was
charged by it with prevent-
ing England from hiring a
Russian corps to fight the
Americans, and with allow-
ing Prussian officers to serve
with America — both
groundless complaints, serv-
ing to show the English fear
of Frederick's revenge. He
took a friendly interest in the American struggle, but sent
none of his officers to America, for he was never asked to
do so. Characteristic of the general opinion, is Franklin's
clever skit, the edict of the King of Prussia, dated Pots-
dam, August 25, 1773, which made its mark alike in
England and America. Frederick was popular in Amer-
ica as the leader of Protestant resistance to Catholic ag-
gression, alike in Puritan New England, among the Ger-

(10)

FREDERICK THE GREAT AND THE UNITED STATES.

FREDERICK THE GREAT, BY KAULBACH.

Frederick the Great and the United States. ii

mans of Pennsylvania and New York, and with the leaders
of the American Revolution. He was looked on as the
ablest sovereign in Europe, and his heroic struggles in the
Seven Years' War was pointed out as an example for
America in its struggle for independence. Every expres-
sion of his against England and the German Princes who
sold their soldiers to serve under the English flag in
America was published in exaggerated terms. Washing-
ton, Franklin, Greene, all spoke of him with admiration.
Steuben found a ready welcome as one of the King's pupils.
Jefferson spoke of his death as a European disaster and
an event that affected the whole world.

The gift of a handsome sword by a Prussian artisan,
Theophilus Alte of Solingen, was the foundation of the
legend often repeated, that it was Frederick the Great's
recognition of the American leader. Bancroft pays due
tribute to his character, example and influence in America.
Frederick never thought of anything but the interest of
Prussia in the struggle between England and its American
colonies. He hoped to secure great advantages for his
maritime province of East Prussia. Acquired in 1744,
he sought to increase the trade of its ports, by exporting
linen and importing tobacco. In 175 1 Emden was made
a free port, and first an Asiatic, and next in 1753, a Bengal
trading company established. The merchants sent ships
to China, East Indies and America, and the neutral Prus-
sian flag protected ships sailing from Holland and Bremen.

After the Seven Years' War, Frederick was ready to
encourage fisheries and to attract business from Amsterdam
to Emden. Silas Deane, the first agent sent by Congress
to establish diplomatic and commercial relations, asked
the Prussian business agent in Paris if arms and muni-
tions of war could be got in Prussia for the American col-

12 The Pennsylvania-German Society.

onles. Montesuy was active, but a little too energetic,
and in July, 1777, he reported the inquiry and recom-
mended a commercial treaty between Prussia and the
American colonies. The King was ready to arrange for
the importation of American tobacco at a better rate than
that then paid for it, already advancing in price in English
and French -ports. In answer to questions as to direct
importation, Deane said that tobacco could be got in ex-
change for linen, woollens, copper, lead and steel. Deane
wrote to Congress urging that an agent be sent to Prussia,
for while France and Spain were natural allies, and Italy
needed American harvests, Prussia required information
as to its own interests in trade with America (Diplomatic
Correspondence, Vol. i, p. 45). Montesuy told Deane
that the King would be glad to see an American agent in
Berlin (Dip. Cor., Vol. 9, p. 346) and Deane asked if
Carmichael would be received, and Carmichael went in
the autumn of 1 7 7 6 by way of Amsterdam to Berlin. Car-
michael showed ability in explaining the mutual advantage
of trade between Prussia and America, but the King was
not ready for a treaty, nor even to recognize Carmichael
in any other than his private and personal character. Ap-
pointed in September, 1776, Franklin, Deane and Arthur
Lee addressed the Prussian government on the subject of
establishing trade relations with the colonies. The King
promptly pointed out the practical impossibility of com-
merce, in the absence of either Prussian or American ships
to carry it on, and asked for further information as to
the method of exchanging Prussian and American products.
The commissioners tried to enlist Frederick's help in pre-
venting the shipment of German soldiers to serve the
English in America, and promised to send a minister to
Berlin to discuss commercial relations. The King replied

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Frederick the Great and the United States. 13

through his minister that an American agent might come
to Berlin, but could have no official recognition, and that
until America had established its independence, he could
not enter into any treaty with it. Lee went to Berlin and
at once set to work to point out the advantages and possi-
bility of direct commercial relations between Prussia and
America. There was an active correspondence between
Lee and the Prussian minister, but the King simply al-
lowed it to be carried on that he might gain time and infor-
mation. He refused absolutely to open Emden to Amer-
ican privateers, lest he should be involved with England,
much as he disliked the English government and its
American policy. In his correspondence and conversation
he never spoke of the Americans as rebels and in writing
to Voltaire, he sneered at the English, and in a letter to
D'Alembert he anticipated American independence as
early as October 5, 1777. He said that England had
treated its colonies unfairly, that it had underestimated
their power, had hired troops in Germany and provided
no ships for their transportation, had bought in London
provisions for its army that was to fight in Pennsylvania,
where everything was much cheaper. The separation
of Carleton and Burgoyne prevented the one from sup-
porting the other. With all its troubles in America, it
had quarrelled with Russia and Holland, and would soon
be in open warfare with France. In November, 1777, on
receipt of the news of the surrender of Burgoyne, which
came from Paris, in spite of the effort of the English gov-
ernment to conceal it, Frederick wrote to his brother.
Prince Henry, that Prussia must watch Washington,
Howe, Burgoyne, Carleton, and learn from them the
great art of war, laugh at their mistakes, and approve
when they act intelligently. His old hostility to England
was increased by its war with Holland.

14 The Pennsylvania-German Society.

The theft of Arthur Lee's papers (copied and returned
to him) by the agents of the English minister in Berlin,
was passed over by the King with contemptuous indiffer-
ence. Lee, a young American lawyer of thirty-six, wrote
a characteristic letter to the King of sixty-four, in the hope
of securing his recognition of the independence of the col-
onies at a time (June, 1777) when the King was sedu-
lously avoiding any further difficulty with England. Lee
wrote again and again, but never got a favorable answer.
To his urgent appeal that no troops be sent from Russia,
Germany and Denmark, to serve in America under the
British flag, the Prussian minister replied that besides a
few hundred German recruits, no more soldiers would be
sent. William Lee, a brother of Arthur, and a man of
more tact, never came to Berlin, but wrote frequently on
all points of interest there. The King refused to take
any steps until France recognized the independence of the
English colonies in America. He granted Lee's request
to be allowed to buy arms in Prussia, and added his request
for information as to events in America, expressed a hope
that the colonies might achieve their independence, but
repeated his refusal to acknowledge it until France did so.
Lee bought eight hundred muskets, but made the purchase
a ground of complaint which met no favor from the Prus-
sian authorities.

The outbreak of the Bavarian Succession War (January
3, 1778, to March 13, 1779) made the King anxious to
enlist the sympathy of Great Britain, and cooled his in-
terest in the American cause. When France did recog-
nize American independence, Frederick said that he was
too busy with home matters to consider the request of
Lee, and as he had no fleet, his recognition could not have
any real benefit for America.

Frederick the Great and the United States. 15

Lee continued to supply information as to events in
America but got no encouragement as to recognition. The
King indeed continued his abuse of the English government
and was inclined to hinder their efforts to transport German
troops through his kingdom until he needed English in-
fluence in the Bavarian war of succession, and to gain that
he was ready at least to cease sneering, as he had always
done, at the petty German princes who sold their soldiers
to England. He feared that his own army might be
weakened by such a drain on the supply from which he
drew recruits. With expressions of regard for the King
of England, Frederick annoyed his representatives by re-
fusing permission to take the Hessian Hanau and Anspach
troops through Prussian lines to reach ports for shipment.
The petty German princes had asked and almost obtained
Frederick's consent to the sale of their troops to England,
and therefore his interference was all the more annoying
to its agents. The news of the surrender of Burgoyne
made a very painful impression in Berlin, as Riedesel, in
command of the Brunswick Corps, was the son-in-law of
the Prussian War Minister, Massow. Most of the im-
prisoned Brunswick officers were well known in Berlin and
had been in friendly relations with the Prussian officers
since the Seven Years' War. Eliot, the British minister in
Berlin, wrote home on November 29, 1777, that the ap-
proval of the passage (through Prussian territory) of the
allied troops was already completed, when the news of Bur-
goyne's surrender was received, and it was withdrawn and
an end came apparently of all favorable Prussian policy.

Frederick's refusal to permit the transport through his
borders of any German troops engaged by England, fell
like a bomb among the English recruiting agents and the
German princes and their ministers. Sir Joseph York,

i6 The Pennsylvania-German Society.

the English minister at The Hague, wrote to the English
agent, Ralnsford: "The King of Prussia is too much
feared for any one to risk sending troops through his boun-
daries." Expresses and couriers hurried from one Court to
another, notes were exchanged, and efforts made to induce
the Prussian minister at Cologne and the commandant at
Wesel to close their eyes, but all in vain. Faucitt, the
English agent, wrote that " Hitherto the Rhine was open
to all the world — now it is suddenly and unexpectedly
closed. It is too late to change the route. At Minden
the same interruption is threatened. I have written to
Berlin and Hanau, Anspach and Cassel, and have advised
Schlleffen, the Electors Minister, to send his troops around
the Prussian borders." The English minister at Cologne
wrote : " The troops cannot march over land or down the
Rhine without passing Prussian territory and boats will
be stopped at Wesel." The Anspach minister wrote:
" If no means can be found to change the King's decision,
all Is lost, we are ruined, for It is impossible to move over
land." Ralnsford waited in vain, with the transports
ready in Holland, weather favorable, and a day or two
only needed to ship the troops. The only thing to do was
to quarter the Anspach and Hanau troops for the winter
In Hanau, and at the end of February, 1778, march them
to the mouth of the Wesel, and It was only late In March
that these 534 men reached the port of shipment after
avoiding Prussian boundaries. The troops from Zerbst
waited until spring, when they went through Saxony,
Brunswick and Hanover to Stade, losing nearly half of
their number by desertion — of 841 who were In the ranks
on February 21, only 494 remained on March 21, 1778.
The condition of affairs was largely Influenced, if not
decidedly affected, by Frederick's policy. Washington

Frederick the Great and the United States. 17

was suffering all the hardships of his winter quarters at
Valley Forge from December, 1777, to June, 1778. His
weak force could not withstand a vigorous attack by Howe,
but when the latter learned of Frederick's prohibition of
the passage of troops through Prussian territory, Howe
knew that meant cutting off the prospect of any reinforce-
ment. It was not the few men delayed in their journey
so much as the uncertainty for future German detach-
ments. Frederick's policy was worth to Washington as
much as an alliance, for it gave him time and helped to
change the fortunes of war. Without really wishing to
do so, Frederick rendered a real service to the young re-
public. Frederick soon changed his tactics towards Eng-
land, when he needed its support in the matter of the
Bavarian succession. He declared that it was Beaumar-
chais and his friends who were spreading false reports of
his hostility to England to forward their own interests in
the American Revolution. The King wanted to see the
mother country again on a friendly footing with its Amer-
ican colonies. Early in March the King authorized the
passage of the German allied troops through Prussian
territory. He and his ministers assured the English min-
istry that the King never entertained any favorable con-
sideration for the American rebels or their representatives.
He wanted England's and Hanover's support. He re-
ported that Austria was urging France to recognize Amer-
ican independence and seize England's German province,
Hanover. Little credence as the English gave to these
reports, they replied that they would like nothing better
than to renew their old friendly relations with Prussia and
unite with that country and Russia in close alliance. Wil-
liam Lee was in Frankfort, closely watching events. Bre-
teuil, the French ambassador, tried to secure Prussian and

l8 The Pennsylvania-German Society.

Russian recognition of American Independence in the
Peace of Teschen, but It failed, just as did the effort of
Spain to act as peacemaker between England and its colo-
nies. Lee reminded Frederick of his promise to recog-
nize American independence as soon as France had done
so, but was promptly told that Prussia had no Interest In
doing so, and as It had no fleet, could do nothing. Lee
patiently waited, and John Adams advised Congress to do
so, too, for the King of Prussia hoped to make Emden
a sea-port, and to open through it trade with the Amer-
ican colonies for his manufactories in Silesia and Holland
and Brunswick would follow him In any course he might
decide on. Lee continued to advise Prussia of American
news, but said nothing of the surrender by the Danes to
England of prizes of American privateers. Carmlchael
from Spain received polite replies refusing to consider
his appeals for recognition. Colonel Arendt, a German
officer who had served in America, in vain sought permis-
sion to use Dutch capital in trade to America under the
Prussian flag. Lee, early In 1781, renewed his efforts,
this time complaining of the hostility to the colonies of a
Prussian newspaper, but to him, and to Arendt, in Decem-
ber, 1783, and in May, 1783, to Jacob Philadelphia, a
well-known Jew and quite a famous artist, all seeking Prus-
sian recognition through business or other agencies, the
same answers were given, refusing any action. Frederick
soon showed England that it was for no love of that
country he had granted permission for its German troops
to cross his territory. In February, 1780, he had done
this, but to the next application he made answer that this
business of recruiting was depopulating Germany. Eng-
land saw his Influence against It in St. Petersburg and Co-
penhagen and The Hague. Frederick followed events In

Frederick the Great and the United States. 19

America and promptly and sharply pursued the English
minister at his Court with sneers at the English trouble
in America and praise for American success. England
believed that Prussia and France were bound by some
secret agreement to encourage the rebellious Americans,
and that Holland and Denmark were inspired by Prussia
in their hostility to England. With the peace between
England and America, Frederick offered to enter into close
alliance with Great Britain, and urged that the English
troops be not too quickly withdrawn from America, for
he doubted if that country could long maintain its inde-
pendence. It was too large for a republic, a form of gov-
ernment possible only to small, compact countries, such as
Venice, Holland and Switzerland. He thought the time
would come when some of the American colonies would
want again to have the benefit of English government and
to send representatives to Parliament. The Canadian ter-
ritory should be very carefully guarded and General Carle-
ton must treat the people very gently, so as to avoid any
influence by French or Spanish agents. The Americans
achieved their independence without any help from Fred-
erick. All that he wanted was an outlet for the products
of his country and a cheap market for their's, and the busi-
ness came to nothing, because the Americans could not send
to a Prussian port tobacco at low prices and take away in
exchange Silesian woolen goods, etc. Of any evidence of
political or personal sympathy on his part, there is no
proof, but it is plain that he used the Americans only to
advance his own interests in the game of European politics.
Even the most zealous of his ministers could not encourage
the American agents in their hope that Frederick would
by his recognition give the weight of his good opinion to
the struggling colonies.

20 The Pennsylvania-German Society.

In Reddaway's "Frederick the Great" (Putnam, 1904),
p. 317, it is said, " When at that time a new republic arose
across the ocean, King Frederick made haste to enter into
commercial relations with it, in order to exchange cloth,
woollen stuffs and linen, iron goods and porcelain, for rice,
indigo, and Virginia tobacco. The ' most favoured na-
tion ' treaty. of September 10, 1785, between Prussia and
the United States of America, fulfilled, it is true, few of the
expectations which both parties formed of it, for the Eng-
lish, who from a seafaring and capitalist point of view,
were more competent, long continued to be the commercial
intermediaries between those renegade colonies and the old
world " ; then cited from Kosen, " Konig Friederick der
Grosse " (Berlin, 1903), p. 332: "He looked on while
England and her colonies fell to blows in 1775 (?) and
while France joined in the fray in 1778. He blamed the
English both for political and military folly, for beginning
a terrible civil war with no settled plans or adequate prep-
arations, for underestimating the enemy's force, for divid-
ing her own, and for trampling upon the rights of neutrals.
But he avoided with the most scrupulous care any action
that could give offence to either combatant, and declared to
his ministers that he intended to wait the issue quietly and
to throw in his lot with the side which fortune favored.
Just before his death (1785) he entertained at dinner
Lafayette and Cornwallis."

Kapp's " Soldatenhandel," Berlin, 1874, p. 151, etc.
says: " Frederick the Great is almost the only ruler of his
time who was worthy of respect, for he felt a personal re-
sponsibility for his government. He was, too, the only one
who followed great political aims with clear intelligence.
He was without prejudices, called things by their right
name, and his sovereign contempt for England and its

Frederick the Great and the United States. 21

allies supplying soldiers, was doubly beneficial. The King,
like the German Emperor, had a close political interest
in this, for it violated the laws of the Empire, and it de-
prive both of a great number of men who would fill their
regiments, if not drawn off by the war in America. At
the outset it was thought the number sent would not be
large enough to affect the supply needed for the standing
armies.

" With the large force sent in 1777, at the suggestion of
the imperial representative, the Rhenish princes began to
show hostility to the shipment of troops. The Austrian
recruiting offices complained that the recruits preferred
service in America, and many old soldiers deserted to go
there. Frederick, too, although outwardly civil to Eng-
land, had never forgotten or forgiven Bute for abandon-
ing him, and spoke with bitterness of the government
that thought everything could be done with money. In
his ' Memoirs ' he wrote that England dealt with all the
German Courts to obtain soldiers, thus diminishing the
numbers at home. The King of Prussia quietly did his
best to strengthen his own position and only incidentally
interfered with that of England. He detained the new
allies at every point in his kingdom, at Madgeburg, Min-
den and Wesel, and he taxed their baggage, but never
openly opposed their transportation. He was, from his
dislike to England, always outspoken in his friendship for
America, exaggerating, in his conversation with the English
minister at his Court, American successes, and dwelling on
English disasters. He was credited with readiness to rec-
ognize American independence, when he really was not
ready to do anything of the kind." To the surprise of the
Anspach authorities, he wrote in reply to their request for
leave to send their soldiers through his territory, a letter

22 The Pennsylvania-German Society.

dated Potsdam, October 24, 1777, not printed In his works,
nor published until Kapp made it known on page 161 of
his book, from the Anspach archives as follows :

" I never think of the present war in America without
being unpleasantly affected by the greed of some German
princes who sacrifice their troops in a matter that don't
affect them at all. My astonishment increases when I see
this violation of our old German rule, never to spill Ger-
man blood in behalf of foreign interests. In answer to
the request of the Anspach authorities for leave to take
their troops in the English service through my territory,
I call attention to the fact that there are other and shorter
routes to England."

In vain did the Anspach ministers appeal, and the
English ministers, too, received the same short refusal.
Sir Joseph Yorke wrote : " Every one has such fear of the
King of Prussia that it is impossible to disregard his action
in thus closing the Rhine."

A lively exchange of letters showed the result of this
unexpected interference with the free movement of the
allied troops on their way to ports of embarcation. The
Rhine princes took their cue from Prussia and made the
Anspach authorities, as well as the English agents, very
uncomfortable. No passage across Prussian lines, no
quarters allowed, no baggage permitted, and naturally
frequent desertions, the poor soldiers kept in boats, only
allowed to land for exercise, were for four weeks anchored
at a little Anspach town, and of course recruiting officers,
Prussian, Imperial, French and Dutch, doing their best
to tempt the poor recruits into their service. The poor
colonel was at his wits end, when finally the English agent
arranged that Anspach and Hanau troops should be quar-
tered in Hanau, a fortified town, while the authorities tried

Frederick the Great and the United States. 23

to arrange for transport of the troops. After a long delay
a way out was found, but with all this, the troops that
left Anspach in October reached New York only in the
next September. Later Frederick withdrew his objections
and allowed free passage, but the Zerbst regiment had
even harder fortune, with loss of men in its roundabout
journey, and practically never even entered into active cam-
paigning. The result of Frederick's policy was practically
equal to a new ally for Washington, giving him time for
restoring his waning strength and overcome his failing
fortunes — so that even without wishing to do so, the King
of Prussia had rendered the republican chief a great ser-
vice. That Frederick the Great followed with great in-
terest and close attention the course of events in America,
is clear from his repeated requests for information from
the Lees and other representatives of America in Europe,
but his first and most important aim was the protection of
his own kingdom and to that he sacrificed both his hos-
tility to Great Britain and his benevolent interest in
America.

E. J. Lowell, in his " The Hessians and the other Aux-
iliaries of Great Britain in the Revolutionary War"
(Harpers, 1884), p. 50, etc., states that Frederick the
Great refused his nephew the Margrave of Anspach's re-
quest for permission to send his troops to America through
Prussian territory and quotes Frederick's statement on the
subject of the American war in his Memoirs. " Ger-
many," the King wrote, " already felt the evil consequences
of sending so many of her men into those distant climates,
and the King of Prussia did not like to see the Empire
deprived of all its defenders, especially in the case of a
new war and for this reason he made difficulties about the
passage of the troops of the princes allied to England."

24 The Pennsylvania-German Society.

Frederick subsequently encouraged the French Court to
enter Into the American alliance (Bancroft, Vol. lo, ch.
3). In January, 1778, Schulenberg, Frederick's minister,
wrote to Arthur Lee that the King of Prussia would not
delay to acknowledge the Independence of the United
States as soon as France should have done so, but with
the change of interests Incidental to the war of the Bavar-
ian succession, this promise was not fulfilled. Later events
made It still more difficult to secure from Prussia anything
more, until it signed the commercial treaty with the United
States. — Bancroft (ed. 1874) , Vol. 10, p. 240, etc. Fred-
erick of Prussia had raised the hope that he would follow
France in recognizing the independence of the United
States, but later he wrote: "The affairs of England and
her colonies disappear from my eyes," when the question
of his protection of his own country arose. To William
Lee he directed his minister to answer in 1778 : "We are
so occupied with Germany that we cannot think of the
Americans ; we should be heartily glad to recognize them,
but at this present moment it could do them no good, and
to us might be very detrimental."

Lee's Importunities only made Frederick more reserved.
From his camp he always put them aside, yet with gentle-
ness and caution. He could not receive the prizes of the
Americans at Emden, because he had no means to protect
the harbor against aggression; they might purchase In his
dominions munitions of war; and their merchants would
be received in his ports on the same terms as the merchants
of all other countries.

In 1778, in reply to the effort of the British ministry
to propitiate Frederick, he answered: "I will never lend
myself to an alliance with England. I am not like so
many German princes, to be gained by money." He re-

Frederick the Great and the United States. 25

lented so far as to allow a few recruits for the English
army to pass through his dominions, but proposals for
closer relations with England were inflexibly declined.
He sent word to France, " I offer my vows for the success
of the French." Prussia adopted the system of neutrality
just when it could benefit the United States the most. In
1779 he wrote: "The balance of power in Europe will
not be disturbed by England's losing possessions in other
parts of the world."

In " Diplomatic Correspondence of the Revolution,"
edited by Jared Sparks, Vol. 2, p. 58, Franklin, Deane and
Arthur Lee, Paris, April 19, 1777, write to Baron de
Schulenberg, Minister of the King of Prussia : " From the
Congress we have their commands to inform his Prussian
Majesty's Ambassador here, that they propose to send a
minister to your respected Court properly empowered to
treat upon affairs of importance, and that we are in the
meantime instructed and authorized by Congress to solicit
the friendship of your Court, to request that it would afford
no aid to their enemies, but use its good offices to prevent
the landing of troops by other powers to be transported to
America for their destruction, and to offer the free com-
merce of the United States to the subjects of Prussia.
June 5, 1777." Arthur Lee advises Schulenberg of his
arrival in Berlin, June 7, 1777, advises him of the articles
to be exchanged between Prussia and the United States,
e. g., tobacco for muskets — a musket which costs here
(Berlin) 22 French livres, can be sold in America for at
least 50. With these 50 livres 200 weight of tobacco
can be bought, which in Europe will bring 200 livres.
June 21, 1777, Schulenberg to Lee: The King is very
much disposed to please your constituents, but his Majesty
cannot embroil himself with the Court of London. June

26 The Pennsylvania-German Society.

29, 1777, Lee to the King of Prussia, urging recognition:
" There is no name so highly respected among us as that
of your Majesty. Hence there is no King the declaration
of whose friendship would inspire our people with so much
courage, and add so much force to our cause."

Paris, July 29, 1777, Lee to the Committee of For-
eign Affairs: " Pressing for aid from the King, in artillery,
arms and money, I could obtain nothing but assurance of
his desire to serve us if it were in his power. Schulenberg
delivered me a message from his Majesty, desiring me to
assure my constituents that nothing would give him more
pleasure than to hear of their success, and that he wished
whatever good news I might receive be communicated to
him. I did not omit to press his interposition relative to
German and Russian auxiliaries. In answer to this, the
minister assured me that we had no reason to apprehend
anything either from one or the other in the future. The
German princes who have hired their troops, besides
having rendered themselves extremely odious, have suf-
fered greatly, and are still suffering by the emigration of
their subjects, for fear of being forced into this service,
which is excessively unpopular and odious through all
Germany; under these circumstances, these princes are
neither much inclined nor at all able to furnish new sup-
plies. The troops already sent were their utmost exer-
tions, and in all probability will be their last."

October 8, 1777, Schulenberg to Lee: "We must wait
for more favorable circumstances to begin a commercial
connexion between the two peoples which his Majesty will
receive with great pleasure in seeing increase, whenever it
will not engage him in measures contrary to his principles."

December 18, 1777, Schulenberg to Lee: " His Majesty
will not be the last power to acknowledge your indepen-

Frederick the Great and the United States. 27

dency, but you must feel yourself that it is not natural that
he should be the first, and that France, whose commercial
and political interests pre more immediately connected with
yours, should set the example."

December 23, 1777, Schulenberg to Lee: "The infor-
mation which you have had, that his Majesty has refused
a passage to the auxiliary troops of Germany destined for
America, is strictly true."

January 16, 1778, Schulenberg to Lee: "The King in-
terests himself very much (in the events of your war)
and his Majesty wishes that your efforts may be crowned
with success, he will not hesitate to acknowledge your
independence whenever France, which is more interested
in the event of this contest, shall set the example."

Paris, June i, 1778, Arthur Lee : " The King of Prussia
has found it so necessary to cultivate the aid of Hannover,
Hesse, Brunswick, etc., that he has declined receiving an
American deputy or following the example of France as
he promised."

February 25, 1779, William Lee, Frankfort: "The
King of Prussia has formally engaged by a letter from his
Minister, who writes in the King's name, that the mer-
chants of North America, who should come with their
merchant vessels into the ports of his Majesty to trade
there, in merchandise that is not prohibited, should have
full liberty," etc.

In Hayden's "Washington and His Masonic Com-
peers": New York, 1866 (2d ed.), it is said on page 148:
" Frederick the Great of Prussia, who was at the head
of Masonry in Continental Europe, sent him (Washing-
ton) an elegant sword with a complimentary inscription."

In the Century Magazine, Vol. 19 (i 890-1, April,
1 89 1, p. 945), is an article on "Washington and Fred-

28 The Pennsylvania-German Society.

erick the Great with the story of a mythical sword," by
Moncure D. Conway. Washington ordered a bust of
Frederick for Mount Vernon and had his works in thirteen
volumes in his library. Conway says that Carlisle told
him he had met no incident or phrase on which the Amer-
ican legend (that Frederick the Great sent a sword to
Washington- inscribed *' From the oldest General in the
war to the Greatest ") might have been based. The story
was originally told, not of a sword, but of Frederick's por-
trait, in a New Jersey Journal of August 9, 1780. There
is no evidence that any such picture was sent to Wash-
ington. The only mention of Washington by Frederick
in his voluminous works is in his " Memoirs," Vol. 4, p.
175 — "Washington gained some advantages over the roy-
alists who were assembled near Boston." His sympathies
were in a mild way with the Americans — in his letter to
D'Alembert, May 16, 1776. Frederick made no reply to
D'Alembert's letter about the Hessians. On June 3,
1777, he casually says: " War still continues to be made
on the poor Americans." On July 28, 1777, D'Alembert
asks his opinion of this war and the manoeuvers of Wash-
ington, to which Frederick replied (Aug. 13) : " I venture
an opinion that the colonies will become independent."

We may feel tolerably certain that no gift was ever
sent by Frederick the Great to Washington and that he
never recognized in any remark the greatness of Wash-
ington. There was, however, a sword sent to Washing-
ton from Germany. In 1795 Theophilus Alte of Solin-
gen made the sword which was No. 428 in the Centennial
Exhibition (loaned by Miss Alice Riggs) and sent it to
General Washington by his son. The son did not take
it to Washington, but pawned it at a tavern in Philadelphia
for thirty dollars. A gentleman redeemed it and left it

Frederick the Great and the United States. 29

with another in Alexandria who repaid the money and
sent it to Washington. On it is Washington's name and
an inscription in German " Condemner of despotism, pre-
server of liberty, glorious man, take from my son's hands
the sword, I beg you. A. Solingen." This translation
was made for Washington, who thought it was Dutch,
and " Solingen " the name of a man in Amsterdam. But
a year later Alte wrote to him and the facts came out.
This was the sword chosen by George Steptoe Washing-
ton under the terms of his uncle's will. It was buried
during the Civil War, and it is still rusty, but its admirable
workmanship is still evident. Washington was a good
deal mystified about the sword, and instituted inquiries
during the year in which he heard nothing from Alte or
his son. It is possible that during that time the story
which had been told about a picture of Frederick was mod-
ified into a sword legend. The earliest reference to it
on record is on February 8, 1843, ^^ the presentation of
the sword of Washington and the staff of Franklin in the
House of Representatives. This was his service sword,
marked 1757, which Washington had borne in all his great
battles. It was presented by Samuel T., son of the Samuel
(Washington's nephew) , by whom it had been selected.

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